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The Kerala Story:
by Dr. Zacharias Thundy, Northern Michigan University
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Modern Kerala: A Brief Political History The effective way of controlling a nation is by keeping it divided. All conquerors from the time of the Greeks to the Americans and the Russians have tried it and for a time succeeded until the enslaved nations united themselves as one and threw off the yoke of slavery. Divide-and-Conquer was the basic policy the British followed--a history lesson they learned from the Romans, their erstwhile overlords from 44 B.C. to 410 A.D.--all over India and particularly in Kerala. They kept Kerala divided in three political units: Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore, with the present Kasargod and Hosdurg Taluks forming part of another administrative unit, the district of South Canara. The people of Kerala, since the State Peoples' Conference of Ernakulam,
April, 1928, demanded the formation of an all Malayalam-speaking United
Kerala (Aikya Kerala). This movement gathered momentum during
the forties, during the struggle for independence, and after. On
July 1, 1949 the state of Travancore-Cochin came into existence under the
guidance of Home Minister
The first elected govern-ment was headed by T. K. Narayana Pillai. The internal dissensions within the ruling Congress Party led to the formation of a new ministry in 1951 under C. Kesavan whose chief-ministersnip lasted only a few months. After the Nair and Ezhava chief ministers, came the Christian Chief Minister A. J. John. He could stay in office only for about two years simply because Congress-legis-lators from the Tamil-speaking Kanyakuinari District withdrew their support and demanded the merger of Kanyakumari with the Tamil-speaking Madras State. The John-ministry was succeeded by the Praja-Socialist-Party ministry of the former chief minister Pattern Thanu Pillai in March 1954. The Tamil agitation in the South took a violent turn when police opened fire on violent demonstrators killing seven people. As a result, the PSP ministry was voted out of office and replaced in February 1955 by a Congress ministry headed by Panampilly Govinda Menon. This Cabinet fell in March 1956 due to internal discussions within the ruling party, which resulted in the imposition of President's Rule in the state — the state was ruled directly by the President of India through the Governor. It was during the President's Rule that the states of the Indian Union were reorganized on linguistic basis. Under the States Reorganization Act, four Tamil-speaking southern Taluks were separated from Kerala and ceded to Madras. The District of Malabar and the Kasargod Taluk of South Canara District were added to Travancore-Cochin to constitute the new State of Kerala. The united Kerala came into existence on November 1, 1956 with a governor as titular head of the state; the princely Rajapramukh was forced to retire. With the general elections of 1957, the Communist Party of India came to power with E. M. S. Nambutiripad as Chief Minister. There was widespread DDDuIar ODOosition to thp rule of the Cnmmunists. which came to be known as Liberation Struggle (Vimochana Samararm). Fifteen persons were killed by the police, and law and order broke down. The President of India dismissed the Communist Ministry and imposed President's Rule on the state on July 31, 1959 according to Constitutional provisions. After fresh elections in February a non-Communist coalition government of the Congress, PSP, and Maslan League took over administration with Pattom Thanu Pillai as Chief Minister. In 1962, R. Shankar became Chief Minister after Pattom was appointed Governor of Punjab. In September 1964, the Shankar Ministry was voted out of power, and Kerala was again placed under President's Rule. Meanwhile the Congress party was split into Indian National Congnsss and Kerala Congress (a Christian Party); the Communist Party also was split into two: The Communist Party Marxist (CPM) and the Communist Party of India (CPI). In the General Election of 1967, the United Leftist Front won 117 out of 133 seats and the Marxist leader E. M. S. Nambutiripad (CPM) became Chief Minister. However, in October 1969, the £. M. S. Ministry fell and the CPI leader C. Achuta Menon was sworn in as Chief Minister on November 1, 196 But in August 1970, the Menon Ministry resigned and Kerala was placed once again under President's Rule--the General Election of September 1970, a Communist (CPI) Government with the support of Congress Party and Kerala Congress Party assumed office, and Achuta Menon continued as Chief Minister till 1977. After the April 1977 elections, the Congress Party, the leadership of A. K. Antony, formed a new coalition government, which was soon followed by the CPI Ministry of Nayanar. The Moslem League was also able to have Muhammad Koya made Chief Minister for a few weeks before Presidnet's Rule was again imposed on Kerala. After the 1982 elections, a non-Communist coalition ministry has taken over state administration with K. Karunakaran as Chief Minister. Social Developments This century witnessed some most remarkable changes or revolutions on
the social scene of Kerala. This region which was the most caste-ridden
of all the regions of India is today the least caste-ridden area.
However, this volt-face did not happen all of a sudden, by means of a bloody
revolution, but gradually by means of new laws under the impact of many
cultural factors.
Like the Medieval Catholic Church and its clergy in Europe, the upper castes exemption from paying taxes; the Brahmins enjoyed immunity from death penalty--after all, the Brahmins made the laws and applied them differently to different castes. The law was extremely cruel toward castes; they were sub-ject to the death penalty for offenses like theft and cow-slaughter; capital punishment took the forms of being trampled to death under an elephant, being blown from the mouth of a cannon, by hanging which lasted for three days (Citravadham), and by mutilation. Slavery was practiced with impunity even in the twentieth century at least in the form of bonded labor. The land owners had the power to put their slaves to death. Most tenants could not keep milch-cows, wear fine clothes, live in tiled houses, use metal utensils, wear gold ornaments, and travel in palanquins, trains, and automobiles. Violators were punished by fines. There was marriage tax for the low castes, probably to prevent them from increasing and multiplying. Occupational classes had to service for the Brahmins often without compensation; their looms, oil-mills, fishing-nets, and boats were all taxed. The use of public highways was forbidden to outcastes, and anyone daring to pass within polluting distance of a Nair (unapproachability) would be cut down at once; Ezhavas had to keep a distance of 32 feet from a Brahmin! Low castes could not wear shoes and carry umbrellas in public even in heavy rains. The proper salutation from a woman to persons of rank was to uncover the bosom. The practice of pollution (untouchability) was widespread even to the point that members of the lower castes had not the right to walk along the approach roads leading to temples. The British administration did not want to disturb the hierarchical caste-system too fast and too radically. They gradually abolished blatant forms of slavery. The Christian missionaries were given the responsibility to bring about gradual social changes by means of education and conversion of the low castes to the Christian religion -" Christians were not subject to caste laws even though they too were discriminated against. The Shanar women of South Travancore who became Christians began covering their upper bodies with blouse (kuppayam) and towel like the upper-caste-women in the1850's; these women were persecuted for their defiance of traditional caste law on dressing. The Shanar agitation eventually led to the Royal Proclamation of July 26, 1859, abolishing all restrictions on covering the upper parts of the body by Shanar women. Western education provided in missionary schools created a new sense of equality and an awareness of the injustice of caste discrimination not only among members of the lower castes but also among members of the upper class. Even some Brahmins like Swami Agamananda (1896-1961) of the Ramakrishna Advaita Ashram of Kaladi were champions of the civil rights of lower castes. The great reformers were the Nair, Chattampi Swamikal (1854-1924), and the saintly Ezhava, Sri Narayana Guru (1854-1928). The former encouraged the Nairs to resist Brahmin dictatorship in government, religion, and society. The latter worked for reforms within the Ezhava community. He, too, defied Brahmin authority and started consecrating Ezhava temples and Ezhava priests all over Kerala. He preached and practiced the ideal: "One caste, one religion, -airi- one God". To organize the Ezhavas and to achieve social reforms, Narayana Guru founded the organization: Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP) in 1903. Primarily, the reformers wanted an end to untouchabiiity by opening not only the approach roads of temples to the avarna (low-caste) Hindus but also the doors of the temple to the a yarn as or Harijans, as Mahatma Gandhi called them. The Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-25) and the Guruvayoor Satyagraha (1931-32) helped create a change in public perception on untouchabiiity. As a result, on November 12, 1936, the Maharaja of Travancore issued his famous Temple Entry Proclamation which opened the doors of Hindu temples to Hindus of all castes. Ten years later. Cochin and Malabar also enacted their versions of laws on temple entry for Harijans. The Kerala Society has come a long way since the days of the Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936. India became independent in 1947 and a United Kerala came into existence in 1956. With industrial revolution, planned development, agrarian reforms, labor movement, and democratic government, Brahmin supremacy has come to an end and new economic and professional classes have emerged. The traditional Kerala Society in which land property owned by an individual determined a person's worth and wealth has become a thing of the past. Its place has been taken over by leadership in political parties and political connections. Businessmen, lawyers, teachers, workers, doctors, engineers, aflrt" government officials, and farmers all have become pawns at the hands of the new power-brokers of Kerala Society: the party politicians and government ministers. They are the new royalty, the new aristocracy, the new Brahmins. Much has changed, but much remains the same. A look at Kerala through its cultural festivals : Next Page> |